By David Corn, Michael Isikoff
What was once particularly at the back of the U.S.-led invasion of Iraq? As George W. Bush instructed the kingdom to struggle, who spoke the reality and who attempted to conceal it? Hubris takes us backstage on the Bush White condo, the CIA, the Pentagon, the kingdom division, and Congress to respond to all of the very important questions on how the Bush management got here to invade Iraq.
Filled with new revelations, Hubris is a gripping narrative of intrigue that connects the dots among George W. Bush's expletive-laden outbursts at Saddam Hussein, the sour battles among the CIA and the White condominium, the fights in the intelligence group over Saddam's guns of mass destruction, the startling effect of an imprecise educational on best govt officers, the genuine cause Valerie Plame used to be outed, and a best reporter's ties to wily Iraqi exiles attempting to begin a warfare. Written by means of veteran newshounds Michael Isikoff and David Corn, this is often the interior tale of ways President Bush took the kingdom to battle utilizing defective and fraudulent intelligence. it's a news-making account of conspiracy, backstabbing, bureaucratic ineptitude, journalistic malfeasance, and, specially, vanity.
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Additional resources for Hubris: The Inside Story of Spin, Scandal, and the Selling of the Iraq War
Sample text
By exposing the contradictory and historically contingent dynamics that are part of global transformation, I attempt to uncover “the specificities and power relations obscured by the bland homogenization of global 20 CHAPTER ONE neoliberalism” (Burawoy 2000, 349). Reconceptualizing place as a central site in which struggles over power and resources occur is crucial to identifying the limits and possibilities of change. ” To adapt ethnographic practices to studies of the “global,” I utilize a twopronged comparative historical and ethnographic approach.
In the United States, core working classes, particularly unionized workers in heavy manufacturing and related strategic sectors, are no longer promised rising standards of living and increased consumer power in exchange for industrial peace. Overcoming stagnating profits and improving productivity mean dismantling the “costly” social compacts that previously included workers in the fruits of economic growth. The breakdown of social compacts among labor, capital, and the state in the United States has also weakened the claims of the burgeoning Korean labor movement.
While the age of industrialization strengthened the muscle of the mass strike and the powerful trade unions that carried them out, the transition to service-based economies in a rapidly globalizing economy is shifting the basis of worker power to historically unorganized and disadvantaged workers employed in low-paid, insecure service jobs. For national labor movements that historically built their base of power on more powerful segments of the workforce in manufacturing, construction, and transportation, this means figuring out how to rebuild the basis of worker power from a position of relative weakness as opposed to relative strength.