By Philip Lowe, Stephen Ward
This publication explores the effectiveness of the reaction of environmental teams and enterprises in Britain in to the demanding situations of eu integration. studying the relative ecu orientation of British environmental coverage, and the impression of British matters on eu environmental coverage, the ebook examines problems with environmental international relations, institutional dynamics, and coverage debates when it comes to particular issues corresponding to: * pollution
* land use
* usual conservation
providing a wealth of examples all through, the ebook attracts jointly contributions from top lecturers and practitioners from associations and agencies similar to the DOE, eu fee, WWF and CPRE.
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Additional info for British Environmental Policy and Europe: Politics and Policy in Transition (Global Environmental Change Series)
Initiatives such as This Common Inheritance (the environmental White Paper of 1990), Sustainable Development: The UK Strategy (1994, setting out the UK Government’s response to the Rio Earth Summit) and the creation of the Environment Agency (1996), while not free of criticism, represented a concerted attempt to place environmental policy on a coherent and systematic basis. These initiatives were needed politically to overcome a crisis of public confidence in domestic environmental policy brought about largely through European pressures and environmental campaigning and manifest most clearly in the 15 per cent of the popular vote cast for the Green Party in the European elections of 1989.
It was widely accepted that European environmental policy was often ignored and that some member states lacked the administrative capacity, let alone the commitment, to comply with legislation (La Spina and Sciortino 1993). Implementation and compliance became an obvious focus of effort during a period of policy consolidation and retrenchment. The British Government was also able to exploit to its advantage the changing balance of European relations. On the one hand, it used arguments to do with subsidiarity to claw back aspects of sovereignty.
However, our primary motivation was to raise safety standards in order to save lives and reduce injuries. We did not start from the premise that UK standards were perfectly satisfactory and thus that our objectives should be to persuade the other eight to rally to our position. A common aim was to improve road safety, and to achieve this we had to push and pull the manufacturers and their Industry Department minders to incorporate cost-effective safety improvements into their new models. These personal experiences demonstrate not only that environmental policy in the European Union can be and often is authorised by economic provisions of the Treaties, but also show that shared assumptions about key objectives and peer pressure can be a powerful force for raising standards generally.