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25 .. , p. 186 26. , pp. 233 f. 27. Jacob Viner, Studies in the Theory of Internationql Trade, pp. , 84f. 28. , p. 75. 29. Consideratiqns, p. 32. Accordingly there are as many types of mercJ:lantsfrom the humble pedlar to the great patrician who owns a fortune. Trade does not exist in a political vacuum and ruiers were always eager to participate in the gains from trade in one way or another. The benefits, which they could derive from this were closely related to the type of trade and the scale of the transactions which were within their reach.

4. V. Scammel, The World Encompaased: The First European Maritime Empires, c. 800-1650, Berkeley, 1981, p. 77 5. ,'pp. 38 f. 6. , p. 147. 7. F: Guilmartin Jr, Galleys and Galleons, London, 2003, p. 87. 8. , pp. 158 f. 9. , p. 161. 10. , pp. 176 f. 11. R. Davis, The Rise of the English Shipping Industry in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries, London, 1972. 12. V. Scammel, The World Encompassed, p. 131. 13. F. Guilmartin, Galleys,pp. 44 f. 14. , pp. 72 f. 58 VIOLENT TRADERS 15. , pp. 77 f. 16.

The number -of European soldiers in Asia was always limited. They mainly served to train local mercenaries who were available in sufficient numbers. They were paid from the revertues extracted from Asian countries. The business of organized violence was very profitable and it was managed economically by traders who knew how to keep accounts. NOTES 1. D. Rothermund, 'Der Blick vom Westen auf den Indischen Ozean vom "Periplus" bis zur "Suma Oriental"', in D. Afro-asiatische Mittelmeer als Kultur- und Wirtschaftsraum, Wien 2004, p.

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