By Wm Roger Louis, Avi Shlaim
The June 1967 struggle was once a watershed within the heritage of the trendy heart East. In six days, the Israelis defeated the Arab armies of Egypt, Syria, and Jordan and seized huge parts of territory together with the West financial institution, East Jerusalem, the Gaza Strip, the Sinai Peninsula, and the Golan Heights. With the hindsight of 4 many years and entry to lately declassified files, veteran students of the center East compile probably the most a professional specialists of their fields to re-evaluate the origins of the conflict and its neighborhood reverberations. each one bankruptcy takes a unique viewpoint from the vantage element of a distinct player, those who really took half within the struggle, and in addition the area powers - the us, Soviet Union, Britain, and France - that performed vital roles behind the curtain. Their conclusions make for sober analyzing. on the middle of the tale used to be the incompetence of the Egyptian excessive command below the management of Nasser and the competition among a variety of Arab avid gamers who have been deeply suspicious of every other’s reasons. Israel, at the different aspect, received a powerful victory for which, regardless of prior tests on the contrary, there has been no grasp plan.
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Extra info for The 1967 Arab-Israeli War: Origins and Consequences
Sample text
It must be said that this negative set of lamentable events, lamentable at least to the British, is entirely true, but there are other levels of interpretation. An examination of the archival records reveals that the Wilson government played a vigorous role in the crisis from beginning to end, at first participating in the debate about the withdrawal of the UN contingent from the Sinai and finally making a signal contribution with Lord Caradon’s drafting of UN Resolution 242. The Wilson government is often depicted as feeble and indecisive, but those within the Cabinet saw themselves as the equal of previous proconsuls dealing with the Middle East, lineal descendants of Curzon, Milner, and Balfour.
The Chief of Staff argued that waiting would not solve the basic problem. 30 Of the eighteen ministers, only Moshe Carmel, the minister of transport and a former general, was prepared to vote for immediate military action. His argument was that with every passing day, the possibility of an Egyptian surprise attack would grow. Eban was sceptical of the vehemence with which some advisers were telling the Cabinet that every hour was likely to bring 29 30 Abba Eban, Personal Witness: Israel through My Eyes (New York: Putnam, 1992), 386–91.
Nasser became an ally. Jordan was now accepted by other Arab states as having fought gallantly against Israel. Jordan could now stand up to Syria and the PLO without being maligned as a collaborator with Israel. Jordan’s part in the war lent legitimacy to the Hashemite regime in Jordan. Chapter 5 places Palestinian nationalism in the context of the antecedents and consequences of the war. The Palestinian movement was significant before and after the war – but not during the war. As a result of the 1967 transformation of the region, Israel occupied virtually all of what had been known as British Palestine.