By Nissim Rejwan
At the eve of the Six-Day struggle in 1967, Israel used to be nineteen years outdated and as a lot a teenager because the typical nineteen-year-old individual. problems with id and transition have been the controversy between Israeli intellectuals, together with the author Nissim Rejwan. used to be Israel a Jewish nation or a democratic kingdom? And, such a lot frustratingly, who was once a Jew? As Nancy Berg's foreword makes transparent, those concerns turned extra serious and complicated within the 20 years after the battle as Israel matured right into a neighborhood strength. Rejwan, an Iraqi-born Jew whose personal destiny used to be tied to the solutions, addresses the questions of these days in his letters, essays, and remembrances accrued in ''Israel's Years of Bogus Grandeur''. Israel's overwhelming victory in 1967 introduced keep an eye on of the previous Palestinian territories; while, Oriental Jews (i.e., these now not from Europe) grew to become a majority within the Israeli inhabitants. The country, already surrounded by way of adverse, lately humiliated Arab friends, now had an Arab majority (Jewish, Muslim, Druze, and Christian) inside of its borders - but ecu Jews persisted to run the rustic as their very own. Rejwan wrote tirelessly in regards to the second-class prestige of Arab Israelis (and particularly of Arab Jews), encouraging a extra inclusive perspective that will ultimately support heal the injuries left via the Six-Day warfare. His stories in sociology at Tel Aviv collage educated his paintings. For his reason, Rejwan misplaced his activity and lots of of his neighbors yet by no means his pen. via Munich, Entebbe, political scandals, financial crises, and the start of the Intifada, Rejwan narrates Israel's transforming into pains with feisty wit and unwavering honesty
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Extra info for Israel's Years of Bogus Grandeur: From the Six-Day War to the First Intifada
Example text
That is why I cannot conceive myself as sitting down with the Erich Fromms and the Hans Kohns to ‘‘fight Zionism,’’ when the very secularism of the Fromms and the Kohns represents, in my eyes, an ever greater threat to my ‘‘family’’ and its traditions than does Zionism. There are, after all, enough Zionists left with whom I can pray together 14 israel ’ s years of bogus grandeur in synagogue, and with whom I can co-operate in furthering the cause of an intensive Jewish and Hebrew education. I find no such common concerns with the Fromms and with most of the members of the ACJ.
What is Hebrew worth when it is stripped of its religious and even cultural garb? As to ‘‘passive assimilation,’’ I thought you dealt with that too in your book. ) issue of something called Herder Correspondent. It was a report on Jewish identity in Israel—which you must have seen—and I am blessed if I see much change in the situation as between the pre- and post-June period. Assimilation is going on at full force everywhere, Israel not excluded. The fact that in Israel it is made to masquerade as a kind of Jewish revival may fool some; it cannot, repeat cannot, fool those who reject a secular-national definition of a Jew.
The letter referred to an article the quarterly had published on the experience of Moshe Menuhin, author of an anti-Zionist polemic titled The Decadence of Judaism in Our Time, with whose views Kishtainy expressed agreement. ’’ I was touched by a reference in the letter to the Jews of Iraq. ‘‘Mr. Menuhin’s book,’’ wrote Kishtainy, ‘‘is a pointer for the Arabs. As long as there are people like him the Zionist concept of peoplehood and loyalty will stand in jeopardy. ’’ Apprehensive of writing to him directly at such an address, I wrote a long letter to the editor of Issues—which for some reason I never mailed.