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By Ira Katznelson

The city concern of the Sixties revived a dormant social activism whose protagonists positioned their was hoping for radical swap and political effectiveness in group motion. sarcastically, the insurgents selected the area people as their terrain for a political conflict that during truth concerned a couple of strictly neighborhood matters. They didn't in achieving their targets, Ira Katznelson argues, no longer rather a lot simply because that they had selected their flooring badly yet as the deep break up of the yank political panorama into office politics and neighborhood politics defeats makes an attempt to deal with grievances or bring up calls for that holiday the principles of bread-and-butter unionism at the one hand or of neighborhood politics at the other.

A interesting list of the stumble upon among today’s reformers—the neighborhood activists—and the powers they problem. urban Trenches is usually a probing research of the factors of city instability. Katznelson anatomizes the original workings of the yankee city procedure which enable it to comprise competition via “machine” politics and, as a final hotel, institutional innovation and co-optation, for instance, the authorities’ personal model of decentralization utilized in the Nineteen Sixties as a counter to a “community control.” Washington Heights–Inwood, a multi-ethnic working-class neighborhood in northern ny, offers the surroundings for an soaking up close-up view of the historic evolution of neighborhood politics: the problem to the process within the Sixties and its reconstitution within the Seventies.

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City Trenches

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Positive working relations—marked by trust, respect, and cooperation—facilitate the implementation of policies handed down from on high (Scheberle 1997: 1, 191–3). Again, the effects of distrust and corruption within government institutions cannot be isolated from the relationship with wider society, as a wide and diverse literature attests. In general, states can influence the ‘construction, maintenance, and destruction’ of different types of trust and government is sometimes crucial in establishing levels of trust amongst citizens that make possible a whole range of transactions (Levi 1998: 82).

Chapter 9 will consider the scope for actors to escape from the systemic constraints. Indeed, the recent debt crisis and the onset of external conditionality and monitoring of the Greek government and its practices have created a potential stimulus to ‘escape’. There is a further aspect here that is closely related to the features outlined above: the organizational fragmentation that is evident across Greek government. This can be seen as sustaining the problems of trust and clientelism already outlined.

In sum, following on from the contrast of the Greek Prime Minister’s formal powers and operational reality, what the comparisons with other systems help to highlight is that the ‘core executive’ in Greece is one of ‘segmented government’ (Elgie 1997) with a ‘solitary centre’ (Goetz and Margetts 1999). These are its key overall features in relation to the problems of control and coordination sought by any individual leader. Analysing Individual Leaderships There is an extensive general literature on the role and relative power of a Prime Minister within the core executive.

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